This measure effectively granted Hitler the same dictatorial powers held by the eighty-five-year-old P resident Hindenburg. Shortly after the Reichstag fire in March 1933, the German parliament passed the Enabling Act. Yet as one German historian later wrote, “ remark should be included in any anthology of famous last words.” 1 Hindenburg’s advisors believed that this scenario would allow them to govern behind the scenes. These seats were filled by Hermann Göring and Wilhelm Frick. Despite his distaste for Hitler, Hindenburg made him C hancellor on 30 January, 1933, and gave his Nazi Party two seats in the cabinet. Hindenburg’s advisors convinced him that Hitler must be given the chancellorship to ensure the support of the Nazi Party and a functional government. The new chancellor, Kurt von Schleicher, could not create a coalition or a successful government. Hitler withdrew his party’s support, forcing yet another round of elections. When Hitler proceeded to reject the less powerful position of Vice Chancellor, h e received a lecture on his lack of dedication to duty from Hindenburg, who al lowed their exchange to be leaked to the press. His contempt for the “Bohemian corporal” was not a secret. Hitler demanded the Chancellorship as a result. In the 1932 Reichstag election, Hitler’s Nazi Party received 37.4% of the vote, the most obtained by any single party. Hindenburg abandoned some of his mor e moderate positions in order t o appease right-wing critics. Hindenburg and Hitlerīy the 1930s, the Weimar government was increasingly challenged from forces on th e R ight. This strategy, together with the disunity and unrest of the period, fanned a widespread desire for political stability among the German populace which facilitated Hitler’s rise to power. Frustrated by the chaos and impotence of the Weimar government, he often ruled by decree via constitutional articles allowing him authoritarian powers. During his administration, Hindenburg struggled almost continuously to create and maintain cabinets that could remain in power and effect change. He won largely due to his own popularity with the German public and to a lack of cooperation among the Left. In February, 1925, Hindenburg was convinced to run for German P resident in a bid to unify the country. Constant political chaos made it difficult to govern in an already volatile time.
The extreme right criticized the government (and each other) at every turn, even with conservatives in control. Liberal parties (including the Socialist and Communist parties) often failed to find common ground with each other or with more moderate parties. Among them were crippling economic depression, domestic turmoil (culminating in open rebellion), and a divisive and unwieldy political system which not a few Germans hoped would fail. The fledgling democratic Weimar Republic immediately faced serious challenges. When a parliamentary commission called him to testify regarding the defeat, he pointed to the “Stab-in-the-Back” myth, blaming liberal elements on the homefront for the surrender and suggesting that German military forces had not been defeated.
Hindenberg retired f or the second time in 1919, leaving the aftermath of the war and the responsibility for defeat in the hands of the new civilian government. But the Germans lost close to a million men and Hindenburg and his staff presided over t he retreat of thousands of German soldiers. While the occupation was pa ternalistic and sometimes harsh, Ober Ost sought to bring “civilization” to the east and in many ways realized the quest for Lebensraum, an idea later espoused by Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Party.Īs the war turned against Germany in its latter stages, Hindenburg was called to the w estern front in an unsuccessful last-ditch attempt to turn the tide. This quasi-military dictatorship controlled all aspects of life in a large part of eastern Europe. The partnership of Hindenburg and Ludendorff was extremely successful, and they eventually forced the capitulation of all Russian forces in 1917. They instead engineered a defeat of Russian forces at the battle of Tannenberg. With General Erich Ludendorff as his Chief of Staff, Hindenburg reversed what would have been a catastrophic retreat. In 1914, Hindenburg was called out of retirement to bolster the German army’s efforts on the eastern front during World War I. He retired as a co rps c ommander (lieutenant general) in 1911. After serving with distinction in battle, he joined the prestigious German General Staff. Hindenburg fought as a young lieutenant in the Austro -Prussian War in 1866 and in the and Franco-Prussian W ar in 1870- 1871. Following in his father’s footsteps, he became an army officer.
Paul von Hindenburg was born to an aristocratic Prussian family in 1847.
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